The Pakistan
Elections: What Next?

By Rana Fawad
Posted February 28, 2008
WASHIGNTON: The US should urge President Pervez Musharraf to step down
after the Pakistanis gave their verdict against his party in February 18
elections.
This view was expressed by all the speakers at an event “The Pakistan
Elections: What Next?” held under the auspices of the Woodrow Wilson
Center for Scholars on Monday. Robert Hathaway, Director Asia Program
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars moderated the
proceedings while the speakers included Eric Bjornlund (Cofounder and
Principal of Democracy International), Hassan Abbas (Research Fellow at
Harvard University’s Belfer Center for Science and International
Affairs), Hassan Askari Rizvi (Annual Pakistan Studies Scholar at John
Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies), and
Marvin Weinbaum (Scholar-in-Residence at the Middle East Institute).

Eric Bjornlund, who observed
elections in Pakistan, told the audience that despite the fact how
flawed and difficult the pre-election environment was, it gave the
people an opportunity to express their will. He said that general
acceptance of the election was that the results reflected what the
people were trying to say.
“The election day was relatively peaceful and there was no evidence of
systematic manipulation,” he informed the gathering. He also told the
audience about the methodology that was adopted to monitor the elections
and added that a detailed report would be released later on.
Referring to his organization’s efforts to monitor these elections, he
said his team had the advantage because they had been working with the
Asia foundation as well as a domestic election monitoring coalition
called Free and Fair Elections Network that resulted in almost 20,000
election observers on the election day.

Hassan Abbas addressed three key questions: one, will the new parliament
work; two, was there any element of rigging; and three, will the new
government create any complications for the US policy of war on
terrorism?
Interpreting the election results, Hassan Abbas opined that despite
pre-election rigging by the King’s party and despite pro-Musharraf
leniency shown by the US, the people of Pakistan gave a very clear
verdict which was anti-Musharraf and anti-mullah. He added that the
verdict was for liberal forces, democracy, provincial autonomy, and
independence of judiciary in Pakistan.
In his view, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) got a significant share
of the vote bank in the Punjab province because Nawaz Sharif took a very
strong stance that he will restore the judiciary. As for the People’s
Party’s success, Hassan commented that the PPP got 37 per cent of the
votes which is about the same because in the previous five elections,
this party had the support of 35 per cent of the voters in each
election.
However, he termed the success of the Awami National Party (ANP) an
important development. Hassan Abbas told the audience that many analysts
missed this potential victory in their forecasts because in 2002,
elections were rigged as confessed by a former Inter Services
Intelligence (ISI) official, General Ihtisham Zamir, who admitted that
he did rigging on the instructions of Musharraf in favor of some of the
religious parties.
Hassan Abbas said it became clear that in 2002 the Mutahida
Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) benefited from the intelligence community’s help
apart from drawing support from the anti-American sentiment at that
time.
He pointed out that the MMA’s poor performance during the last five
years also contributed to the ANP’s success. He said the ANP, which is
an old secular party, had contended that they would stand for the
Pushtoon nationalism and they had become victims of the Pakistani
military operation, the jihadi elements and across the border from the
coalition forces’ operations.
Commenting on the future of the PPP-PML-N coalition, Hassan Abbas
sounded optimistic and commented that both Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari
had matured as politicians and cooperated with each other very
intelligently in the past few years. “This potential coalition of PPP,
PML-N and ANP will actually work,” he said. However, he also warned that
in the coming six months intrigues will begin either by some
intelligence agency or the political opponents to tear down the
government.
Referring to the rigging, Hassan Abbas gave credit to the new army chief
General Kiyani and told the gathering that there was a rigging plan in
place. He said it was General Kiyani who took a very serious stand and
in an unprecedented way invited some of the journalists to the General
Headquarters and told them off the record, knowing those journalists
would go out and talk to the people, that the army would not be
responsible for any rigging and it would try its best to ensure the
elections were free and fair. “That was a jolt for Musharraf. I think
the pro-Musharraf party that had some plans for rigging was not
expecting it,” he added.
Analyzing the success of the Musharraf’s PML-Q in Balochistan province,
Hassan Abbas said there were some serious problems because a party that
was defeated all over the country and was responsible for a lot of chaos
in Balochistan emerged as the winner there.
He linked it to the Pakistani establishment’s thinking to hold control
and save Balochistan. He said the establishment was feeling that due to
numerous factors including important assets in that province, Gwadar
port, proximity to Afghanistan, remnants of Taliban, etc., a conspiracy
might be hatched in the western capitals that Balochistan should go
autonomous. “So I think some manipulation did happen in Balochistan,” he
concluded.
Forecasting the future of war on terrorism under the new government,
Hassan Abbas opined that it would not create any complication. He said
the new political leadership would not define the policy on war on
terrorism rather it would be decided by the Pakistan army and General
Kiyani. He added that it should not be a source of concern because the
US intelligence agencies and General Kiyani had a solid relationship to
achieve the goals.
Hassan Abbas commented that the elections were more credible that the
previous four and this exercised proved that whenever the Pakistan army
wanted to do something they delivered. On an optimistic note about the
stability in the future, he urged the international community as well as
the US not to focus on dictators only because the elections results
showed the people were for secular forces and they should be nurtured
and groomed.

Hassan
Askari Rizvi termed these elections as a major success for the democratic forces
in the conflict between authoritarianism and aspirations for democratic as well
as participatory political system. “And this time the balance has been tilted in
favor of the democratic forces but the confrontation between authoritarianism
and aspirations for democracy continues,” he commented.
He said the outcome of the elections proved two things: one, a system built
around one person has crumbled; two, the county returned to normalcy as far as
the Islamic religious parties’ vote bank was concerned.
Prof Hassan Askari explained that the religious parties used to play their role
as pressure groups except in Zia as well as Musharraf regime. He pointed out
that the elections had provided an opportunity to create a viable and coherent
political order. However, he warned that it was too early to predict whether the
political leaders would succeed given their past record.
“At the moment these political leader appear very confident, at times over
confident.
Then you also have political forces and societal groups that are impatient. They
want things to be done overnight,” he said and added that those people wanted
things like changes in the Constitution, restoration of the judiciary, etc., but
this haste could portend danger of overlooking the ground political realities
that existed in Pakistan.
Highlighting the immediate political realities in Pakistan, the professor
pointed out that the first and the foremost challenge for the political leaders
would be to contend with the political beneficiaries of the Musharraf political
system in their efforts to realize the objectives they laid out in the run up to
the election.
He said another challenge would come from the political forces and societal
groups because they would like issues such as the removal of judges, provincial
autonomy, etc., to be settled. “Therefore the question is whether they can
create a minimum consensus on the operational norms of the system they want to
pursue,” he added.
Prof Hassan Askari explicated that the new political leadership’s capacity to
address those issues would depend to a great extent on Musharraf’s future. “My
own feeling is that Musharraf and new leadership will not be able to work for a
long period of time,” he commented and predicted that a clash between the two
would be unavoidable in just a couple of months which could result either in
Musharraf’s removal or the collapse of the system.
Analyzing Musharraf’s style of governance, Prof Hassan Askari said it would be
difficult for Musharraf to work with the new government. “He had managed the
country for the last eight, nine years single-handedly and reduced the political
leadership of the past to non-entity. All the three prime ministers were
political nonentities,” he commented.
He said the new political leaders would not accept that kind of role to work
with him because their own political future would at stake. “The ideal situation
would be that Musharraf resigns voluntarily. That would enable the government to
deal with the issue of restoration of the judges, amendments to the
Constitution,” he explained and added “if that does not happen then you’ve a
very serious situation in Pakistan.”
Prof Hassan Askari Rizvi also remarked that the US should encourage Musharraf to
quit because his continuation would also create problems for the efforts in the
direction of counterterrorism. He said Musharraf had managed counterterrorism as
an administrative and bureaucratic affair with no or little involvement of the
people.
He advised the US that the new leadership’s moderation would let them
initiate a dialogue with the extremists and we should not get up set
about that because they would use a different kind of combination of
political means and if those means do not work the then the focus could
shift to the military means.
In his analysis, Marvin Weinbaum
found the Pakistani voters’ enthusiasm against the establishment in this
election similar to that in 1971. He termed it a historic election in
the sense that “It is the first truly democratic, constitutional
transfer of power in Pakistan’s history.” He added that it was a verdict
on the last few years of the previous government.
Marvin Weinbaum commented that it
was a ‘bread and butter election’ because the shortages in wheat and
energy really turned people against the incumbent government.
He
agreed with Eric Bjornlund that there was a biased pre-election
atmosphere in terms of access to the media, the way the Punjab
government distributed jobs, judiciary, etc., and “this was meant to go
the way of the government.”
He said as far as the United States was concerned, this election was
supposed to take the heat off Musharraf. “Obviously, it burned him and
burned him very severely,” he commented.
Referring to the down side of this election, Marvin Weinbaum was of the
view that it remained about personalities. “It was not an election about
issues, manifestoes and, therefore, was keeping in the tone of
Pakistan’s politics,” he said and added, “This has to be a
disappointment.”
Talking about the voters in Pakistan, Marvin Weinbaum mentioned that
contrary to a perception held by many, the electorate was moderate. “It
is certainly a conservative electorate, Islamic electorate. But not one
which has ever seen the religious leaders as desirable as the leaders of
the country,” he argued.
As for the war on terrorism and the impact of the elections, he said on
balance it was a good outcome because it meant the future policy on the
issue would emerge out of the elected government. He explained that
sooner or later the new government would have to recognize the
challenges posed by the extremism.
However, he warned that the new policy on terrorism in that region
should be disconnected from the American link. He pointed out that as
long as the policy was perceived as an American project the people of
the country would not support it, though they were turned off by the
extremists.
He
regretted that apart from congratulating the winners, the US also
reminded them of the importance of the war on terrorism. “We would have
been better off, if we had left off the latter part of our
congratulatory remarks,” he suggested.
Marvin Weinbaum commented that the US policy of seeing Musharraf as
indispensable had failed to recognize the change taking place in that
country. He added that the US policy did not recognize that Musharraf
was increasingly irrelevant because the people gave their verdict
against him and he was not any more the army chief.
He
said it was going to be the army, feeling the support of the people,
which would determine the extent of the policy on extremism. He warned
that, “The last thing we should be perceived of now is meddling in that.
And I’m afraid that’s the way it’s being seen in Pakistan.”
He
told the audience that after the elections, the Pakistani newspapers
were already saying the US should stay out of that.
Referring to the US policy on Pakistan, he said it was ironical that
“Every time we tried to help Musharraf, we usually make it worse for
him. We have failed to appreciate that the last thing he needs is our
praise because naturally this reinforces the idea that he acts as an
instrument of American policy.”
He
pointed out that the congratulations had been provided specifically to
Musharraf for holding a free and fair election. “It’s very much like
congratulating the thief who, with all his preparations, decided not to
rob the bank,” he quipped.
Commenting on the future prospects of democracy in Pakistan, he struck
an optimistic note by saying that unlike 1990s, when the political
parties gave democracy a black eye, this election gave the leaders
another opportunity which is more than just jockeying for power.
Shedding some light on the future leadership in Pakistan, he predicted
Asif Zardari would be grooming himself for power in the coming days
though Amin Fahim would be the prime minister for the time being.
As
for Nawaz Sharif, he said, “I think ultimately the man who will inherit
the democratic wind here is going to be Nawaz Sharif” and added, “If
this goes in a direction I see it is going, I’m afraid there will be an
election long before the next scheduled election.”
He
hinted that in the next election largely a unified Muslim League would
emerge as the leading party.
Marvin Weinbaum concluded his comments by saying that democracy has
another opportunity and the time for the military government is up.
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